It's five weeks today since the Westminster General Election and while the dust hasn't just fully settled, there has at least been some time for all the protagonists to reflect.

Interestingly, one theme that appears to have emerged is the old chestnut of Unionist unity.

Even Nationalists briefly flirted with unifying, but Declan O'Loan quickly put his foot in, then out, and appears to have been shaken all about by the SDLP leadership.

Unionists have been talking most about unity. But then, they have always been good at that -- talking about it.

Perhaps those with responsibility for strategising for the future should take a look at Fermanagh-south Tyrone where the project ran into some difficulty. The courts may well overturn the election count, but the analysis (or post mortem) is valid whichever way it goes.

There had been a clamour for a single candidate, and while much was said during campaigning about the motivation, the clear agenda was to oust Sinn Fein's Michelle Gildernew.

The pundits are all focusing on how amazing the result was with only four votes in it.

The real story, surely, is how the sitting MP managed to retain the seat at all, given the numbers game she was up against.

There are several things that had to line up in order for her to do this, but it really boiled down to two factors.

One, the Unionists did not maximise their vote, with almost 2,000 from the previous election not turning out.

And two, could Gildernew swing enough SDLP voters in behind her campaign? To get over 21,000 to the SDLP's 3,500 tells you all you need to know on that score.

There are lessons in all of this, particularly if Unionists persist down the blind alley of the one united party route.

Lesson number one comes within the Unionist community. The DUP and the Ulster Unionists have been at loggerheads for all of the former's 40-year existence. There's plenty of "previous" in Fermanagh-south Tyrone and Unionist voters were clearly not all convinced that peace and love has suddenly broken out between the two parties.

It was a strange sight indeed to see Councillors Alex Baird, Paul Robinson and Arlene Foster gathered round the flag (literally!). It seems such displays were not always seen on the campaign trail either, and on occasions cool heads were needed if tensions between DUP and UUP activists were not to boil over.

Who were the 2,000 who did not vote? Well, one letter writer to the Impartial Reporter made it clear that as an Ulster Unionist for many years, he could not countenance voting Connor because of the involvement in the pact of the DUP who had been destroying his party for years.

And "TUV" scribbled on ballot papers suggested that the other wing of Unionism didn't buy into the single candidate idea either.

Another letter writer to this newspaper, of Unionist persuasion, asked if Rodney Connor was the right candidate. In that case, though, who would be the right candidate? The letter writer misses the point; in fairness to Mr. Connor his credentials should have appealed to most Unionists.

Those credentials were, however, exploited by Sinn Fein.

Just this week, in conversation, a Unionist described Michelle Gildernew as an "apologist for a terrorist organisation." But, hey, the ceasefire was 16 years ago and things have moved on a little.

The problem for Unionists is that Sinn Fein, in Nationalist eyes, has certainly moved on. Michelle Gildernew is the younger, acceptable new face of the party, without any of the military baggage that might have put off some voters in the past. Indeed, the SDLP struggled at times to show clear water between the two parties.

So, when during the campaign Ms Gildernew said that the united Unionist campaign was all about not having a Catholic about the place, that struck a chord with thousands of Nationalists.

All the stuff about Rodney Connor's departure from the Council was part of the rallying call against him; but it was a bit of a sideshow because really Nationalists saw all the old forces of Unionism, including the Orange Order, lined up against them.

So what now for Unionism? Not just in this part of the world, but across Northern Ireland?

The old quote of "United we stand, divided we fall" has been trotted out.

But surely the lesson from Fermanagh-south Tyrone is that -- possibly -- if Unionism persists in looking for past glory, then united they could fall but divided they could, conversely, gain some confidence and strength In other words, what is wrong with various strands of Unionism standing on their own; it would mean all Unionists have a voice.

A single united Unionist party is only a pipe dream. There simply isn't the trust.

There are too many personalities in the two parties to begin with. There are too many differences in policy and approach to many things. How can liberal Unionists who believe in ecumenical Christianity, or even modern-day Unionists who have no religion at all get into bed with fundamentalists who despise anyone who even suggests tolerance of gay people's lifestyle?

How could working class radical Unionists in more urban areas be in the same party as those who want links with the Tories?

Even the Orange Order Grand Master, Robert Saulters entered the fray and called for Unionist unity. Thankfully, one of those who publicly disagreed was Tom Elliott.

Not only must the Order ask itself whether it is a religious, cultural or political organisation, how could a modern political party appeal to a broad range of voters if it was underpinned by the Orange Order?

One Ulster Unionist said to me recently that he felt his party was Unionist who wanted to be integral to the United Kingdom while the DUP were Unionist Nationalists.

Whether that goes far enough, at least he was doing some analysis; for far too long the battle within Unionism is simply about which party is strongest or weakest in fighting off Sinn Fein.

It seems that part of the clamour for Unionist unity is the fear that Martin McGuinness could soon become First Minister.

Apart from the fact that he already is virtually joint First Minister, a recent survey showed that McGuinness is popular with the community at large.

A short-term fix by Unionists might -- might -- keep him out of the First Minister title. But it would be short-termism.

And it wouldn't address the issue of the lost Unionist voters. Almost 2,000 more didn't vote this time in Fermanagh-south Tyrone.

The key word there is more. In successive elections across the Province, Unionists are opting out of the political process. They are saying a plague on all their houses.

When will a Unionism movement embark on a visionary strategy for the 21st century? The economy and jobs are vital at this time. And education; why are so many Protestant children let down by the present system?

Fermanagh does have extremely able Unionists, not least the likes of Arlene Foster and Tom Elliott and it's no coincidence that both are being tipped for leadership roles within their parties.

If more representatives of Unionism can show vision in the modern age, they could attract their people to become more confident and forward-looking. And take ownership of a real partnership with the Nationlist community in running this part of the world.

What's your view?

email dmcdaniel@impartialreporter.com or write to: The Editor, The Impartial Reporter, 8-10 East Bridge Street, Enniskillen BT74 7BT.